The Syntax of Information-Structural Agreement.

Intro -- The Syntax of Information-Structural Agreement -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of symbols and abbreviations -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. Theoretical background -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The general architecture -- 2.2.1 Syntactic fundamentals -- 2.2.2 Agreement -- 2.2.3 Syntax without information structure -- 2.3 Syntactic encoding of information structure -- 2.3.1 The distribution of information-structural features -- 2.3.2 Combining constituents with information-structural features -- 2.3.3 Focus Projection -- 2.3.4 The meaning of focus -- 2.4 Information-structural projections in the periphery -- 2.4.1 Information structure in the CP -- 2.4.2 Information structure in the vP -- 2.4.3 Different periphery equals different meaning -- 2.5 Feature inheritance and Strong Uniformity -- 2.5.1 Known phenomena -- 2.6 Summary and conclusion -- Chapter 3. Long distance agreement -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 LDA crosslinguistically -- 3.2.1 Nakh-Dagestanian languages -- 3.2.2 Algonquian languages -- 3.2.3 LDA in Uyghur -- 3.3 Previous analyses -- 3.3.1 Polinsky &amp -- Potsdam (2001) -- 3.3.2 Bjorkman &amp -- Zeijlstra (2019) -- 3.4 LDA conditioned by information structure -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Chapter 4. Object marking in Swahili -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Background -- 4.2.1 General background -- 4.2.2 Swahili -- 4.2.3 Object marking in Bantu -- 4.3 The trigger for OM -- 4.3.1 Optional OM in Swahili -- 4.3.2 Obligatory OM in Swahili -- 4.4 Analysis -- 4.4.1 OM in Swahili is not cliticization -- 4.4.2 Agreement based on Givenness -- 4.4.3 Interaction of OM with other processes -- 4.5 Conclusion -- Chapter 5. Subject marking in Tagalog -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Tagalog background -- 5.3 Previous accounts -- 5.3.1 Case-based accounts -- 5.3.2 Topic and focus.

5.3.3 Structural accounts -- Subjects as complements in Malagasy -- Rackowski (2002) and movement to the vP-edge -- Specificity does not equal ang-marking -- 5.4 Analysis -- 5.4.1 Ang-phrase as given -- 5.4.2 Subject agreement as determined by Givenness -- 5.5 Predictions and consequences -- 5.6 Conclusion -- Chapter 6. Focus particles in Lavukaleve -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Lavukaleve -- 6.3 Narrow focus -- 6.4 Wide focus -- 6.4.1 The agreement suffix -- 6.4.2 More data on wide focus constructions -- 6.5 Analysis -- 6.5.1 Narrow focus marking -- 6.5.2 Wide focus marking -- 6.6 Conclusion -- Chapter 7. Association with focus - general discussion -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Syntactic analyses of association with focus -- 7.3 Alternative semantics -- Kratzer (1991) -- 7.4 Structured meaning -- SM and Tanglewood -- 7.5 Agreement-based association with focus -- 7.5.1 Agreement based association with focus -- 7.5.2 Split only: Quek &amp -- Hirsch (2017) -- 7.6 Conclusion -- Chapter 8. Association with focus in German -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 AwF in German - Büring &amp -- Hartmann (2001) -- 8.2.1 The a-theory of Büring &amp -- Hartmann (2001) -- 8.2.2 Arguments for adjunction to EVPs -- 8.2.3 Problems of the a-analysis -- 8.3 Two alternative accounts -- 8.3.1 Bayer (1996) -- 8.3.2 Sudhoff (2010) -- 8.4 The criticism of Reis (2005) -- 8.5 Reconstruction and Smeets &amp -- Wagner (2018) -- 8.6 AwF in German based on agreement -- 8.7 Adjunction of FPs in English -- 8.8 Conclusion -- Chapter 9. Conclusion -- 9.1 Summary and main findings -- 9.2 Directions for future research -- References -- Index.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.