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English Resultatives : A Force-Recipient Account.

By: Material type: TextTextSeries: Constructional Approaches to Language SeriesPublisher: Amsterdam/Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020Copyright date: ©2020Edition: 1st edDescription: 1 online resource (571 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9789027261595
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: English ResultativesDDC classification:
  • 425
LOC classification:
  • PE1319
Online resources:
Contents:
Intro -- English Resultatives -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 What this book is about -- 1.1.1 What are resultatives -- 1.1.2 Two questions raised by resultatives with non-subcategorized objects -- 1.2 How resultatives have been analyzed in Generative Grammar -- 1.2.1 Small clause analysis -- 1.2.2 Lexical rule approach -- 1.3 How resultatives have been analyzed in Construction Grammar -- 1.3.1 Goldberg (1995) -- 1.3.2 Boas (2003) -- 1.3.3 Short summary -- 1.4 The analysis to be proposed in this book -- 1.4.1 How to answer the two questions -- 1.4.2 A lexical-constructional approach -- 1.4.3 Methodology -- 1.4.4 Terminology -- 1.5 Organization of the book -- Part I. A force-recipient account -- 2. The status of the post-verbal NP -- 2.0 Introduction to Part I -- 2.1 Toward the constructional meaning of resultatives -- 2.1.1 Boas (2003) once again -- 2.1.2 Three possible paraphrases -- 2.1.3 Problems with the first and second approaches -- 2.1.4 Force-recipient account -- 2.2 How force is transmitted -- 2.2.1 'Wipe the crumbs off the table' -- 2.2.2 Virtual pushing -- 2.3 Further illustrations of virtual actions -- 2.3.1 'Push oneself to one's feet' -- 2.3.2 'Laugh - off the stage' -- 2.3.3 'Sneeze - out' -- 2.4 Discourse patient? -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3. Force transmission as essential to resultatives -- 3.0 Introduction -- 3.1 Subcategorized object cases -- 3.1.1 Post-verbal NP as force-recipient -- 3.1.2 Types of force -- 3.2 Verbal force as relativized to the result state -- 3.3 Non-subcategorized object cases again -- 3.3.1 So-called "unaccusative/unergative" distinction -- 3.3.2 Types of force, not types of participant roles -- 3.4 Intransitive resultatives based on intransitive verbs -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Part II. So-called idiomatic cases.
4. 'He laughed his head off' -- 4.0 Introduction to Part II -- 4.1 V 'one's head off' -- 4.1.1 Why does his head move off? -- 4.1.2 Force dynamics of 'V one's head off' -- 4.1.3 Network of 'V one's head off' -- 4.2 Two layers of meaning -- 4.3 Other related constructions -- 4.3.1 V 'one's eyes out' -- 4.3.2 V 'one's heart out' -- 4.3.3 V 'one's guts out' -- 4.3.4 V 'one's lungs out' -- 4.3.5 V 'one's socks off' and V 'one's butt off' -- 4.4 Discussion -- 5. 'They beat the hell out of me' -- 5.0 Introduction -- 5.1 A construction which 'beat the hell out of' is related to -- 5.1.1 Perek (2016) -- 5.1.2 'Beat - out of' construction -- 5.2 Five types of 'beat - out of' -- 5.2.1 'Content coming out of a container' type -- 5.2.2 'Get rid of' type -- 5.2.3 'Get by coercion' type -- 5.2.4 'Physiological effect' type and 'emotional effect' type -- 5.2.5 What the three schemas tell us -- 5.3 From 'beat the hell out' of to 'V the hell out of' -- 5.3.1 Beat the hell out of 'as the 'emotional effect' type' -- 5.3.2 From literal meaning to intensifier meaning -- 5.3.3 Polysemy network of 'V the hell out of' -- 5.3.4 Interim conclusion -- 5.4 'V the shit out of' and 'V the daylights out of' -- 5.4.1 'Which types do' beat the shit out of 'and' beat the daylights out of 'belong to?' -- 5.4.2 Polysemous networks of 'V the daylights out of' and 'V the shit out of' -- 5.5 Possible origins of 'V - out of' idioms -- 5.5.1 'Beat the devil out of' -- 5.5.2 'Beat the stuffing out of' -- 5.6 'V the life out of' -- 5.7 Two types of complement alternation -- 5.7.1 'To death' and 'shitless' -- 5.7.2 'Out of one's wits' -- 5.8 Conclusion -- Part III. Resultatives and domains -- 6. Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking I -- 6.0 Introduction to Part III -- 6.1 How to analyze resultatives with 'eat' and 'drink' -- 6.1.1 Croft (2009) -- 6.1.2 More on the three phases.
6.1.3 Complex causal chains for 'eat' -- 6.1.4 'Eat - clean' and 'eat oneself full' -- 6.2 'Eat oneself' AP/PP -- 6.2.1 'Eat themselves out of a food supply' -- 6.2.2 'Eat oneself to death' -- 6.3 'Drink oneself' AP/PP -- 6.3.1 'Drink oneself beautiful' -- 6.3.2 'Drink oneself silly' -- 6.3.3 'Drink oneself to death' -- 6.4 Result states as relativized to the domains -- 6.5 Summary and conclusion -- 7. Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking II -- 7.0 Introduction -- 7.1 'Eat - out of house and home' -- 7.1.1 'The caribou eat themselves out of house and home' -- 7.1.2 'He ate me out of house and home' -- 7.2 'Drink - under the table' -- 7.2.1 Two domains involved -- 7.2.2 The "beating" sense as primary -- 7.3 Summary -- 7.4 Conclusion -- 8. 'He laughed himself silly' -- 8.0 Introduction -- 8.1 'V oneself silly' -- 8.1.1 Jackendoff (1997) -- 8.1.2 What does it mean to become "silly" as a result of laughing? -- 8.1.3 Short-lived result state -- 8.1.4 Other instances of 'V oneself silly' -- 8.2 'V oneself stupid' -- 8.3 'V oneself sick' -- 8.4 Summary -- 8.5 Conclusion -- Part IV. 'Change verb' resultatives and how to accommodate them -- 9. 'Change verb' resultatives -- 9.0 Introduction to Part IV -- 9.1 Weak resultatives and spurious resultatives -- 9.1.1 Pustejovsky (1991a) -- 9.1.2 Washio (1997) -- 9.1.3 Further characteristics of 'change verb' resultatives -- 9.2 How 'change verb' resultatives are to be analyzed -- 9.2.1 What is the host of predication? -- 9.2.2 Unifying 'change verb' resultatives with ordinary resultatives -- 9.3 Resultative caused-motion counterparts -- 9.3.1 'Break the egg into the pan' -- 9.3.2 'Empty the tank into the sink' -- 9.4 Still another issue raised by 'change verb' resultatives -- 9.4.1 Result phrase-addition analysis -- 9.4.2 Result phrase construction -- 9.4.3 Summary -- 9.5 Conclusion.
10. What are spurious resultatives? -- 10.0 Introduction -- 10.1 Putative characteristics of spurious resultatives -- 10.2 'Thinly' -- 10.2.1 Adverbs that refer to a theme entity -- 10.2.2 'Spread - thinly, cut - thinly' -- 10.2.3 The distinction between 'thin' and 'thinly' -- 10.3 'Tight/tightly' and 'loose/loosely' -- 10.3.1 When the alternation is really possible -- 10.3.2 What does it mean to be tight? -- 10.3.3 'Pull - tight' vs. 'pull - tightly' -- 10.3.4 Force persistence -- 10.3.5 'Loose' vs. 'loosely' -- 10.4 Conclusion -- 11. Resultatives with 'open'/'shut' -- 11.0 Introduction -- 11.1 How a door becomes 'open/shut' -- 11.1.1 Resultative caused-motion? -- 11.1.2 Co-occurrence of motion and change of state -- 11.1.3 Internalized translational motion -- 11.1.4 Co-extensiveness between change of state and internalized translational motion -- 11.2 Three types of 'open/shut' expressions -- 11.2.1 Type 1 -- 11.2.2 Type 2 -- 11.2.3 Type 3 -- 11.3 What the existence of the three types tells us -- 11.3.1 Washio's (1997) three types again -- 11.3.2 Why 'open' may appear in all the three types of resultatives -- 11.3.3 A unified analysis under the force-recipient account -- 11.4 Functional 'open' -- 11.5 Conclusion -- Part V. On the result component -- 12. 'To' result phrases vs. 'into' result phrases -- 12.0 Introduction to Part V -- 12.1 'To a whisper' -- 12.1.1 Point on a scale -- 12.1.2 Other similar cases -- 12.2 'To death' -- 12.2.1 Endpoint of a path -- 12.2.2 Short summary -- 12.3 'Into a coma' -- 12.4 'To pieces' vs. 'into pieces' -- 12.4.1 Corpus data -- 12.4.2 Different aspects of becoming "pieces" -- 12.4.2.1 'Into pieces' -- 12.4.2.2 'To pieces' -- 12.4.3 Other expressions for decomposition -- 12.5 'In/Into' alternation -- 12.5.1 'In' result phrase -- 12.5.2 Parallel with spatial paths -- 12.6 Conclusion.
13. Adjectival result phrases vs. prepositional result phrases -- 13.0 Introduction -- 13.1 Previous analyses -- 13.1.1 A matter of conventionalization? -- 13.1.2 Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) -- 13.1.3 Problems with Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) -- 13.2 The difference between an AP and a 'to'-PP -- 13.2.1 Aspectual integration of the verbal event and the change of state -- 13.2.2 'AP only' cases -- 13.2.3 'To-PP only' cases -- 13.2.4 'Shoot - dead' vs. 'shoot - to death' -- 13.3 Differences between APs, 'to'-PPs, and 'into'-PPs -- 13.3.1 Into-'PPs' -- 13.3.2 Summary -- 13.4 How the choice of result phrases is really to be accounted for -- 13.4.1 Tsuzuki's (2003a, 2003b) proposal once again -- 13.4.2 Verspoor's (1997) data once again -- 13.5 Implications for the force-recipient account -- 13.6 Conclusion -- 14. Consequences of the AP/PP distinction -- 14.0 Introduction -- 14.1 Aspectual constraint -- 14.1.1 Immediate result or not? -- 14.1.2 APs and PPs behave differently -- 14.1.3 Prepositional result phrases vs. path result phrases -- 14.2 'She cried herself to sleep' -- 14.2.1 Enabling causation -- 14.2.2 How to enable someone to sleep -- 14.2.2.1 'To sleep' vs. 'awake' -- 14.2.2.2 A soothing/calming force -- 14.2.3 How to enable oneself to sleep -- 14.2.3.1 Fake reflexive cases -- 14.2.3.2 'Sing'-type and 'read'-type -- 14.2.3.3 'Drink'-type -- 14.2.3.4 'Cry'-type -- 14.2.4 Enabling causation in force dynamics -- 14.3 Conclusion -- Part VI. Still further issues surrounding adjectival result phrases -- 15. Maximal end-point constraint reconsidered -- 15.0 Introduction to Part VI -- 15.1 Wechsler (2005a, 2005b) -- 15.2 Problems -- 15.3 Well-behaved data? -- 15.3.1 Wechsler (2012, 2015) -- 15.3.2 The "well-behaved" data as an illusion -- 15.4 What is wrong with the maximal end-point constraint? -- 15.5 Conclusion.
16. Selectional restrictions on adjectival result phrases.
Summary: The objective of this book is to develop a force-recipient account of English resultatives. Within this approach the post-verbal NP is a recipient of a verbal force, whether it is a subcategorized object or not, and the verbal force being exerted onto the post-verbal NP is responsible for bringing about the change as specified by the result phrase.
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Intro -- English Resultatives -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 What this book is about -- 1.1.1 What are resultatives -- 1.1.2 Two questions raised by resultatives with non-subcategorized objects -- 1.2 How resultatives have been analyzed in Generative Grammar -- 1.2.1 Small clause analysis -- 1.2.2 Lexical rule approach -- 1.3 How resultatives have been analyzed in Construction Grammar -- 1.3.1 Goldberg (1995) -- 1.3.2 Boas (2003) -- 1.3.3 Short summary -- 1.4 The analysis to be proposed in this book -- 1.4.1 How to answer the two questions -- 1.4.2 A lexical-constructional approach -- 1.4.3 Methodology -- 1.4.4 Terminology -- 1.5 Organization of the book -- Part I. A force-recipient account -- 2. The status of the post-verbal NP -- 2.0 Introduction to Part I -- 2.1 Toward the constructional meaning of resultatives -- 2.1.1 Boas (2003) once again -- 2.1.2 Three possible paraphrases -- 2.1.3 Problems with the first and second approaches -- 2.1.4 Force-recipient account -- 2.2 How force is transmitted -- 2.2.1 'Wipe the crumbs off the table' -- 2.2.2 Virtual pushing -- 2.3 Further illustrations of virtual actions -- 2.3.1 'Push oneself to one's feet' -- 2.3.2 'Laugh - off the stage' -- 2.3.3 'Sneeze - out' -- 2.4 Discourse patient? -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3. Force transmission as essential to resultatives -- 3.0 Introduction -- 3.1 Subcategorized object cases -- 3.1.1 Post-verbal NP as force-recipient -- 3.1.2 Types of force -- 3.2 Verbal force as relativized to the result state -- 3.3 Non-subcategorized object cases again -- 3.3.1 So-called "unaccusative/unergative" distinction -- 3.3.2 Types of force, not types of participant roles -- 3.4 Intransitive resultatives based on intransitive verbs -- 3.5 Conclusion -- Part II. So-called idiomatic cases.

4. 'He laughed his head off' -- 4.0 Introduction to Part II -- 4.1 V 'one's head off' -- 4.1.1 Why does his head move off? -- 4.1.2 Force dynamics of 'V one's head off' -- 4.1.3 Network of 'V one's head off' -- 4.2 Two layers of meaning -- 4.3 Other related constructions -- 4.3.1 V 'one's eyes out' -- 4.3.2 V 'one's heart out' -- 4.3.3 V 'one's guts out' -- 4.3.4 V 'one's lungs out' -- 4.3.5 V 'one's socks off' and V 'one's butt off' -- 4.4 Discussion -- 5. 'They beat the hell out of me' -- 5.0 Introduction -- 5.1 A construction which 'beat the hell out of' is related to -- 5.1.1 Perek (2016) -- 5.1.2 'Beat - out of' construction -- 5.2 Five types of 'beat - out of' -- 5.2.1 'Content coming out of a container' type -- 5.2.2 'Get rid of' type -- 5.2.3 'Get by coercion' type -- 5.2.4 'Physiological effect' type and 'emotional effect' type -- 5.2.5 What the three schemas tell us -- 5.3 From 'beat the hell out' of to 'V the hell out of' -- 5.3.1 Beat the hell out of 'as the 'emotional effect' type' -- 5.3.2 From literal meaning to intensifier meaning -- 5.3.3 Polysemy network of 'V the hell out of' -- 5.3.4 Interim conclusion -- 5.4 'V the shit out of' and 'V the daylights out of' -- 5.4.1 'Which types do' beat the shit out of 'and' beat the daylights out of 'belong to?' -- 5.4.2 Polysemous networks of 'V the daylights out of' and 'V the shit out of' -- 5.5 Possible origins of 'V - out of' idioms -- 5.5.1 'Beat the devil out of' -- 5.5.2 'Beat the stuffing out of' -- 5.6 'V the life out of' -- 5.7 Two types of complement alternation -- 5.7.1 'To death' and 'shitless' -- 5.7.2 'Out of one's wits' -- 5.8 Conclusion -- Part III. Resultatives and domains -- 6. Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking I -- 6.0 Introduction to Part III -- 6.1 How to analyze resultatives with 'eat' and 'drink' -- 6.1.1 Croft (2009) -- 6.1.2 More on the three phases.

6.1.3 Complex causal chains for 'eat' -- 6.1.4 'Eat - clean' and 'eat oneself full' -- 6.2 'Eat oneself' AP/PP -- 6.2.1 'Eat themselves out of a food supply' -- 6.2.2 'Eat oneself to death' -- 6.3 'Drink oneself' AP/PP -- 6.3.1 'Drink oneself beautiful' -- 6.3.2 'Drink oneself silly' -- 6.3.3 'Drink oneself to death' -- 6.4 Result states as relativized to the domains -- 6.5 Summary and conclusion -- 7. Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking II -- 7.0 Introduction -- 7.1 'Eat - out of house and home' -- 7.1.1 'The caribou eat themselves out of house and home' -- 7.1.2 'He ate me out of house and home' -- 7.2 'Drink - under the table' -- 7.2.1 Two domains involved -- 7.2.2 The "beating" sense as primary -- 7.3 Summary -- 7.4 Conclusion -- 8. 'He laughed himself silly' -- 8.0 Introduction -- 8.1 'V oneself silly' -- 8.1.1 Jackendoff (1997) -- 8.1.2 What does it mean to become "silly" as a result of laughing? -- 8.1.3 Short-lived result state -- 8.1.4 Other instances of 'V oneself silly' -- 8.2 'V oneself stupid' -- 8.3 'V oneself sick' -- 8.4 Summary -- 8.5 Conclusion -- Part IV. 'Change verb' resultatives and how to accommodate them -- 9. 'Change verb' resultatives -- 9.0 Introduction to Part IV -- 9.1 Weak resultatives and spurious resultatives -- 9.1.1 Pustejovsky (1991a) -- 9.1.2 Washio (1997) -- 9.1.3 Further characteristics of 'change verb' resultatives -- 9.2 How 'change verb' resultatives are to be analyzed -- 9.2.1 What is the host of predication? -- 9.2.2 Unifying 'change verb' resultatives with ordinary resultatives -- 9.3 Resultative caused-motion counterparts -- 9.3.1 'Break the egg into the pan' -- 9.3.2 'Empty the tank into the sink' -- 9.4 Still another issue raised by 'change verb' resultatives -- 9.4.1 Result phrase-addition analysis -- 9.4.2 Result phrase construction -- 9.4.3 Summary -- 9.5 Conclusion.

10. What are spurious resultatives? -- 10.0 Introduction -- 10.1 Putative characteristics of spurious resultatives -- 10.2 'Thinly' -- 10.2.1 Adverbs that refer to a theme entity -- 10.2.2 'Spread - thinly, cut - thinly' -- 10.2.3 The distinction between 'thin' and 'thinly' -- 10.3 'Tight/tightly' and 'loose/loosely' -- 10.3.1 When the alternation is really possible -- 10.3.2 What does it mean to be tight? -- 10.3.3 'Pull - tight' vs. 'pull - tightly' -- 10.3.4 Force persistence -- 10.3.5 'Loose' vs. 'loosely' -- 10.4 Conclusion -- 11. Resultatives with 'open'/'shut' -- 11.0 Introduction -- 11.1 How a door becomes 'open/shut' -- 11.1.1 Resultative caused-motion? -- 11.1.2 Co-occurrence of motion and change of state -- 11.1.3 Internalized translational motion -- 11.1.4 Co-extensiveness between change of state and internalized translational motion -- 11.2 Three types of 'open/shut' expressions -- 11.2.1 Type 1 -- 11.2.2 Type 2 -- 11.2.3 Type 3 -- 11.3 What the existence of the three types tells us -- 11.3.1 Washio's (1997) three types again -- 11.3.2 Why 'open' may appear in all the three types of resultatives -- 11.3.3 A unified analysis under the force-recipient account -- 11.4 Functional 'open' -- 11.5 Conclusion -- Part V. On the result component -- 12. 'To' result phrases vs. 'into' result phrases -- 12.0 Introduction to Part V -- 12.1 'To a whisper' -- 12.1.1 Point on a scale -- 12.1.2 Other similar cases -- 12.2 'To death' -- 12.2.1 Endpoint of a path -- 12.2.2 Short summary -- 12.3 'Into a coma' -- 12.4 'To pieces' vs. 'into pieces' -- 12.4.1 Corpus data -- 12.4.2 Different aspects of becoming "pieces" -- 12.4.2.1 'Into pieces' -- 12.4.2.2 'To pieces' -- 12.4.3 Other expressions for decomposition -- 12.5 'In/Into' alternation -- 12.5.1 'In' result phrase -- 12.5.2 Parallel with spatial paths -- 12.6 Conclusion.

13. Adjectival result phrases vs. prepositional result phrases -- 13.0 Introduction -- 13.1 Previous analyses -- 13.1.1 A matter of conventionalization? -- 13.1.2 Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) -- 13.1.3 Problems with Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b) -- 13.2 The difference between an AP and a 'to'-PP -- 13.2.1 Aspectual integration of the verbal event and the change of state -- 13.2.2 'AP only' cases -- 13.2.3 'To-PP only' cases -- 13.2.4 'Shoot - dead' vs. 'shoot - to death' -- 13.3 Differences between APs, 'to'-PPs, and 'into'-PPs -- 13.3.1 Into-'PPs' -- 13.3.2 Summary -- 13.4 How the choice of result phrases is really to be accounted for -- 13.4.1 Tsuzuki's (2003a, 2003b) proposal once again -- 13.4.2 Verspoor's (1997) data once again -- 13.5 Implications for the force-recipient account -- 13.6 Conclusion -- 14. Consequences of the AP/PP distinction -- 14.0 Introduction -- 14.1 Aspectual constraint -- 14.1.1 Immediate result or not? -- 14.1.2 APs and PPs behave differently -- 14.1.3 Prepositional result phrases vs. path result phrases -- 14.2 'She cried herself to sleep' -- 14.2.1 Enabling causation -- 14.2.2 How to enable someone to sleep -- 14.2.2.1 'To sleep' vs. 'awake' -- 14.2.2.2 A soothing/calming force -- 14.2.3 How to enable oneself to sleep -- 14.2.3.1 Fake reflexive cases -- 14.2.3.2 'Sing'-type and 'read'-type -- 14.2.3.3 'Drink'-type -- 14.2.3.4 'Cry'-type -- 14.2.4 Enabling causation in force dynamics -- 14.3 Conclusion -- Part VI. Still further issues surrounding adjectival result phrases -- 15. Maximal end-point constraint reconsidered -- 15.0 Introduction to Part VI -- 15.1 Wechsler (2005a, 2005b) -- 15.2 Problems -- 15.3 Well-behaved data? -- 15.3.1 Wechsler (2012, 2015) -- 15.3.2 The "well-behaved" data as an illusion -- 15.4 What is wrong with the maximal end-point constraint? -- 15.5 Conclusion.

16. Selectional restrictions on adjectival result phrases.

The objective of this book is to develop a force-recipient account of English resultatives. Within this approach the post-verbal NP is a recipient of a verbal force, whether it is a subcategorized object or not, and the verbal force being exerted onto the post-verbal NP is responsible for bringing about the change as specified by the result phrase.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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