Evidentiality Revisited : Cognitive grammar, functional and discourse-pragmatic perspectives.

Intro -- Evidentiality Revisited -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction. Evidentiality revisited -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of the volume -- References -- Section A. Evidentiality -- 1. Evidentiality in Cognitive Grammar -- 1. Issues -- 2. Evidentiality and grounding -- 2.1 Semantic functions and their implementation -- 2.2 Clausal grounding -- 2.3 Evidentials as grounding elements -- 2.4 Unification -- 3. Grounding systems -- 3.1 Systems, substrate, and strata -- 3.2 A tense-modal system -- 3.3 Evidential systems -- 3.4 Combined systems -- 4. Means of implementation -- 4.1 Lexical means -- 4.2 Periphrastic means -- 4.3 Diachrony -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- 2. Evidentiality reconsidered -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The 'theoretical' background -- 2.1 A broad perspective on the field of expressive devices -- 2.2 The qualificational hierarchy -- 2.3 The analysis of the modal categories -- 3. The 'classical' evidential categories -- 3.1 The classical evidential categories in the literature -- 3.2 A reanalysis -- 3.3 The status of the different traditional evidential categories -- 4. Mirativity and (inter)subjectivity - and hearsay and experienced again -- 4.1 A brief characterization of mirativity and (inter)subjectivity -- 4.2 The semantic properties of mirativity and (inter)subjectivity -- 4.3 The status of mirativity and (inter)subjectivity - and of hearsay and experienced -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Section B. Evidentiality in Grammar and Discourse -- 3. On the evidential use of English adverbials and their equivalents in Romance languages and Russian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphological structure and epistemic and evidential functions -- 2.1 Morphological structure -- 2.2 Spanish 'al parecer' -- 2.3 Russian 'по-видимому' -- 2.4 Portuguese 'ao parecer' / 'ao que parece'.

2.5 Italian 'all'apparenza' / 'in apparenza' -- 2.6 French 'avoir l'air de' -- 3. Interlingual generalisation and conclusion -- References -- 4. When feeling is thinking -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Terminology -- 3. Epistemic modality, evidentiality, subjectivity -- 4. E/E CTPs: definition of the category -- 5. E/E CTPs in Spanish -- 5.1 Creo que, me parece que and pienso que -- 5.2 Cognition verbs, opinion verbs, performative verbs -- 5.3 Acquisition of knowledge verbs -- 5.3.1 Perception verbs -- 5.3.2 Spontaneous mental process verbs -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- 5. Seem-type verbs in 'Dutch and German' -- 1. Why 'seem'-type verbs are interesting -- 2. The relevant verbs: German 'scheinen', Dutch 'schijnen' and 'lijken' -- 2.1 The (evidential) semantics of Dutch 'lijken' and 'schijnen' and German 'scheinen' -- 2.1.1 Giving light and resemblance: the origins of 'schijnen/scheinen' and 'lijken' -- 2.1.2 'Lijken' and 'scheinen' as inferential evidentials -- 2.1.3 Dutch 'schijnen' as an inferential-reportive evidential -- 2.2 The constructional potential of 'seem'-type verbs in Dutch and German -- 2.3 Constructional preferences: differences between 'scheinen, schijnen' and 'lijken' -- 3. Aspects of evidentiality: scope, types of evidence, subjectivity -- 3.1 Scope -- 3.2 Types of evidence: from inference to reported -- 3.3 Subjectivity -- 4. A new corpus analysis: spoken Dutch and German compared -- 4.1 Scope -- 4.2 Types of evidence: from inference to reported -- 4.3 Subjectivity -- 5. Conclusions: a three-fold cline -- References -- 6. A synchronic and diachronic study of the Dutch Auxiliary "Zou(den)" -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Modal auxiliaries and the framework -- 3. Methodology -- 4. Results -- 4.1 The meaning categories -- 4.2 The semantic development of 'zou(den)' -- 5. Discussion -- 5.1 'Zou(den)' as an evidential marker.

5.2 The presence of source references -- 5.3 Grammatical and semantic features of evidential 'zou(den)' -- 5.4 The evolution of the evidential meaning -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- 7. Potential vs Use -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Data and method -- 1.1.1 Data selection criteria -- 1.2 Indirect evidentiality - an epistemic qualification -- 2. Results and discussion -- 3. Concluding remarks -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Sectioc C. Evidentiality and Epistemic Modality in Discourse Domains and Genres -- 8. Multifunctionality of evidential expressions in discourse domains and genres -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Evidentiality in discourse -- 2.1 Epistemicity and evidentiality -- 2.2 Functions of evidentiality -- 2.3 Semantic extensions in TAM systems -- 2.4 Multifunctionality of evidential expressions -- 2.5 Evidential functional values and constructions with 'seem/appear' and 'parecer' -- 3. The case studies -- 3.1 The texts -- 3.2 Case studies: Research questions and hypothesis -- 3.3 Research objectives and procedure -- 4. Results and discussion -- 4.1 Case Study 1: Results in genres of Journalistic Discourse -- 4.2 Multifunctionality and constructions with 'seem' and 'parecer' -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- 9. Evidential and epistemic stance strategies in scientific communication -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background -- 2.1 Evidentiality and epistemic stance -- 2.2 Evidential and epistemic stance strategies in scientific discourse -- 3. Data and method -- 4. Results and discussion -- 4.1 Direct evidentiality -- 4.1.1 Frequency and distribution -- 4.1.2 Discourse-pragmatic strategies -- 4.2 Indirect evidentiality and epistemic stance -- 4.2.1 IIE -- 4.2.2 IRE -- 4.2.3 EM -- 4.2.4 CGA -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- 10. 'BE likely to' and 'BE expected to', epistemic modality or evidentiality?.

1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical preliminaries -- 2.1 Theoretical framework -- 2.2 Key concepts -- 2.2.1 Point of view -- 2.2.2 Modality and evidentiality -- 2.2.3 Commitment -- 3. Syntactic and semantic description of the two structures -- 3.1 Classification of the structures -- 3.1.1 'BE likely to' and auxiliarization -- 3.1.2 'BE expected to' and passivation -- 3.2 Semantics of the structures -- 3.2.1 General overview: epistemic modality and other modal values of the core markers -- 3.2.2 'LIKELY' and appearance -- 3.2.3 'EXPECT' and subjective projection -- 4. Contextual constraints: modal compatibility -- 4.1 Syntactic distribution -- 4.2 'Can' and 'might': uses restricted to 'BE expected to' -- 4.2.1 'CAN' and property attribution -- 4.2.2 'Might' and epistemic judgement -- 4.3 'Will': projection into the future and redefinition of modal values -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Commitment and non-commitment in newspaper discourse -- 5.1 'BE likely to' and commitment -- 5.2 'BE expected to' and non-commitment -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- 11. Markers of evidentiality in Lithuanian newspaper discourse -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data and method -- 3. Frequency of the patterns of use in the newspapers: lr versus ber -- 4. Reportive markers -- 4.1 Hearsay markers -- 4.2 Mindsay markers -- 5. Inferential markers -- 6. Markers of shared knowledge -- 7. Concluding remarks -- Acknowledgements -- References -- 12. Exploring evidential uses of the passive of reporting verbs through corpus analysis -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Corpus and method -- 3. Patterns of frequency today -- 4. Diachronic developments -- 4.1 Patterns of frequency over time -- 4.2 Changing trends in use -- 4.2.1 "BE said to" -- 4.2.2 "BE expected to" -- 4.2.3 "BE supposed to" -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Index of expressions -- Subject index.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.