Syntax of Multiple <i>-que</i> Sentences in Spanish : Along the left periphery.

Intro -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Theoretical and empirical scope of this volume -- 2. The fine structure of the left periphery -- 3. Major claims of this volume -- 3.1 Against a processing account of double-complementizer sentences in Spanish -- 3.2 A note on terminology -- 4. Organization of the book -- Toward a syntactic analysis of Spanish recomplementation -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The phenomenon of recomplementation -- 2.1 Other types of non-high que -- 3. Properties of recomplementation configurations -- 3.1 The constituents sandwiched between ques are left-dislocated -- 3.2 Distributional properties of recomplementation que -- 3.2.1 Multiple instances of sandwiched left-dislocation -- 3.2.2 On the iterative nature of recomplementation que -- 3.2.3 Non-dislocated left-peripheral XPs cannot appear to the left of recomplementation que -- 3.3 Selection and recomplementation que -- 3.4 Recomplementation que blocks movement across it -- 3.5 On the relationship between the sandwiched dislocated phrase and recomplementation que -- 3.5.1 *Que que sequences? -- 3.5.2 The sandwiched XP and recomplementation que stand in a Spec-Head relationship -- 3.5.2.1 Polarity and recomplementation. In recent work, Garrett (2013) provides empirical support for the claim put forth here that both the sandwiched XP and recomplementation que are topic-related entities. The author applies a test for topichood devise -- 3.5.2.2 Ellipsis and recomplementation. As noted above, Paoli (2006) claims that the second que in Romance recomplementation agrees with an element in its specifier, an intuition already expressed in Uriagereka (1995a). I have also shown that Saramaccan a -- 4. Evaluating the existing accounts of recomplementation -- 4.1 Existing proposals.

4.1.1 CP recursion -- 4.1.2 Recomplementation que in FP -- 4.1.3 Proposals within Rizzi's split-CP system -- 4.1.3.1 Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A number of proposals assume that optional secondary que heads FinitenessP, while the high, obligatory que characteristic of embedded declarative clauses heads ForceP, the two complementizers serving to delimi -- 4.1.3.2 No TopicP/FocusP: Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A modified version of the FinitenessP analysis of recomplementation is put forward in López (2009a, b). For López, projections such as TopicP and FocusP should be dispensed with, but the Forc -- 4.1.3.3 Recomplementation que in DiscourseP. In the spirit of the streamlined NoTopicP/FocusP proposal advocated in López (2009a), Kempchinsky (2013) acknowledges that it is necessary to assume that ForceP and FinitenessP frame yet another projection for -- 4.1.3.4 Recomplementation que in (Doubled)ForceP. The analysis first laid out in Martín-González (2002) assumes that secondary que in recomplementation contexts heads a projection which he calls (Doubled)ForceP, sandwiched between TopicP and FinitenessP: -- 4.1.3.5 Moving complementizers. In line with the Rizzian approaches to ­recomplemention considered in this section, Ledgeway (2000, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2010, 2012a, b, to appear) pursues an analysis of double-­complementizer constructions which involv -- 4.1.3.6 Recomplementation que in TopicP. I will lastly discuss the analysis ­adopted in the book in more detail and in a way that packs together the evidence reviewed so far. Under the TopicP analysis, the sandwiched dislocate ­occupies the specifier of s -- 5. Conclusion -- 5.1 Appendix: More on ellipsis -- Two distinct complementizers in disguise -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Two different entities: Recomplementation que and jussive/optative que.

2.1 The account of medial and low complementizers in Spanish -- 2.2 The distinct behavior and distribution of the two non-high complementizers in Spanish -- 2.2.1 Do non-high complementizers depend on the presence of a dislocated phrase to their left? -- 2.2.2 Are the two non-high complementizers optional or obligatory? Beyond Spanish -- 2.2.2.1 Jussive and optative mood. Note that claiming that jussive/optative que lexicalizes the subjunctive mood immediately raises the question of what happens in the numerous cases where the subjunctive occurs without a(n overt) que ­complementizer in S -- 2.2.2.2 Pues que. In line with the issue of the obligatoriness or optionality of the complementizers at issue, it is opportune to discuss a context where even ­recomplementation que seems obligatory (another context will be explored toward the end of Chap -- 2.2.3 Are the two non-high complementizers ellipsis licensors? -- 2.2.4 What distribution possibilities do the two non-high complementizers exhibit with regard to dislocations? -- 2.2.5 What distribution possibilities do the two non-high complementizers exhibit with regard to focused phrases? -- 2.2.6 Do the two non-high complementizers have any bearing on clitic directionality in Asturian? -- 2.2.6.1 Adverbs and verb height in Asturian. Cinque (1999: 226, n. 4) shows that infinitives in Spanish rise obligatorily past adverbs such as siempre 'always,' which can remain to the left of finite verbs. The contrast in (218a, b), inspired by Ojea-Lópe -- 2.2.7 Can non-high complementizers iterate? -- 2.2.8 Can non-high complementizers co-occur in the same sentence? -- 3. Jussive/optative-que sentences as [Spec, TP]-detectors -- 3.1 Spanish subjects -- 3.1.1 Subjects in Spec, TP -- 3.1.2 Subjects in Spec, CP/TopicP -- 3.1.3 Spec, TP as an Ā position -- 3.1.4 Subjects in Spec, TP or in Spec, CP.

3.2 The different behavior and distribution of preverbal subjects and left-dislocated phrases in Spanish jussive/optative-que clauses. -- 3.2.1 Jussive/optative que and CLLD -- 3.2.2 Jussive/optative que and foci -- 3.2.3 Jussive/optative que and preverbal subjects -- 3.3 Implications for the contentious analysis of preverbal subjects in Spanish -- 3.3.1 Locative Inversion revisited -- 3.3.2 Crosslinguistic evidence for the subject-oriented nature of Spec, TP in null-subject languages -- 4. Conclusion -- On the impossibility of movement across non-primary complementizers in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The constituents featured in que-XP-que configurations are externally merged in sandwiched position -- 2.1 Sandwiched dislocates fail to show reconstruction effects -- 2.1.1 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and bound variable reconstruction -- 2.1.2 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and anaphor reconstruction -- 2.1.3 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and scope reconstruction -- 2.2 The behavior of negation in recomplementation sentences involving negative constituents -- 2.3 A clausematehood effect with recomplementation CLLD -- 2.4 The type of dislocate featured in sandwiched position: CLLD and HTLD -- 2.5 Sandwiched CLLDs and structural case -- 3. A locality effect with non-primary complementizers -- 3.1 Recomplementation que is an opaque domain for extraction -- 3.1.1 Extraction of wh-phrases and foci across recomplementation que -- 3.1.2 Extraction of topics/CLLD across recomplementation que -- 3.1.3 Further evidence from sub-extraction facts -- 4. Conclusion -- Analyzing the locality effect with non-primary que complementizers in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A Comp-t effect in Spanish? -- 2.1 Shedding light on extraction from postverbal subjects -- 2.2 Non-high que and Rescue by PF Deletion: Analysis and predictions.

2.2.1 Extending the approach to cases involving movement to the specifier of ­recomplementation que -- 2.2.2 A prediction: Ellipsis repairs secondary-que-t violations in Spanish -- 2.2.3 On the obligatoriness of recomplementation que with embedded HTLDs: The last-resort flavor of recomplementation-que deletion -- 2.2.3.1 Secondary que is only deleted when crossed. I will now entertain the hypothesis that recomplementation que is only deleted when crossed, either by a moving dislocate or by a long-distance moving phrase, in a last-resort fashion. On this view, when -- 2.2.3.2 An asymmetry between embedded HTLD and CLLD. The view that ­recomplementation-que deletion is last resort actually receives empirical support. As mentioned in passing, embedded hanging topics (HTLDs) require an instance of secondary que in Spanish -- 2.2.3.3 Potential counterexamples to the movement analysis of embedded non-recomplementation CLLDs. I would now like to consider three potential arguments against the last-resort nature of the recomplementation-que-deletion process, and show that once we -- 2.2.4 Complementizer deletion under Rescue-by-PF Deletion and Recoverability of Deletion -- 2.2.4.1 On the undeletability of jussive/optative que. As argued in Chapter 3, jussive/optative que, characteristic of exhortative or desiderative clauses exhibiting subjunctive mood, is mandatory with verbs of saying, since it functions as the lexical re -- 2.2.4.2 Embedded interrogatives and recomplementation. In this subsection, I turn to the behavior of non-high que in embedded interrogatives in Spanish. -- 2.2.4.3 A generalization regarding obligatorily overt non-high ques? A reviewer correctly points out that with verbs of communication such as decir 'to say,' non-­primary que is mandatory after dislocations in those cases that are not intrinsically select.

3. Alternative accounts of the locality effect with secondary que.

Complementizers offer a window into the architecture of the left-periphery and further our understanding of the demarcation of the boundaries between the C(omplementizer) and T(ense) domains. Using the articulated left-periphery as a laboratory and Spanish constructions featuring more than one complementizer as a point of departure, the author delivers new insights into the syntactic positions and behavior of Spanish complementizer que along the left edge. These observations have far-reaching consequences to such fundamental linguistic concepts as the derivation of left dislocations, ellipsis, and locality of movement. Of great interest to syntax graduate students and researchers in general, this volume provides a stepping stone to cracking the code on several current syntactic questions, including the widely-contested position of preverbal subjects in null-subject languages like Spanish. In addition, it offers the linguist a bountiful toolbox for the cross-linguistic investigation of a number of left-peripheral and clausal phenomena.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.