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Non-Nuclear Cases.

By: Contributor(s): Material type: TextTextPublisher: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2014Copyright date: ©2014Edition: 1st edDescription: 1 online resource (340 pages)Content type:
  • text
Media type:
  • computer
Carrier type:
  • online resource
ISBN:
  • 9789027269249
Subject(s): Genre/Form: Additional physical formats: Print version:: Non-Nuclear CasesDDC classification:
  • 415
LOC classification:
  • P240.6 -- .N68 2014eb
Online resources:
Contents:
Non-Nuclear Cases -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of content -- Preface -- List of abbreviations -- Nuclear and non-nuclear cases -- 1. Terminological confusion -- 2. Criteria -- 3. Theoretical frameworks -- 4. Event schemas -- 5. Form-meaning correlates: Some specific cases -- 5.1 Specifying a quantitative or qualitative property of the process -- 5.2 Introducing participants -- 5.3 Expressing a spatial or temporal reference point -- 5.4 Expressing "logical" relations -- 6. Chapters in this volume -- References -- Obliques: Some that are, and some that aren't -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The postpositions -- 2.1 The inventory of free forms -- 2.2 Syntax and semantics of postpositional phrases -- 2.2.1 The objects of postpositional phrases -- 2.2.2 Word order -- 2.2.3 Marking of third singular objects -- 2.2.4 Postpositions and locative particles -- 3. Typical usages of the free postpositions -- 3.1 hecé 'in, at, on, towards' -- 3.2 hapwá 'on, above, over' -- 3.3 hetyé 'beneath, underneath, below, at the foot of' -- 3.4 hemí 'to, for, with, on account of, in the midst of' -- 3.5 The accompaniment hamwán 'with' -- 3.6 The instrumental kɨme'e -- 3.6.1 The instrumental prototypical usage -- 3.6.2 Manner as current state of affairs -- 3.6.3 Instrumental as source -- 3.6.4 Instrumental as source of effect -- 3.6.5 Instrumental as source of sustenance -- 3.6 Instrumental as indicator of time period -- 3.7 Discourse usages of the Instrumental -- 3.7.1 Absolutive form of Instrumental: Closure of a scene -- 3.7.2 Instrumental use in oblique relative clauses -- 3.7.3 Instrumental as clausal temporal subordinator -- 3.7.4 Quotative complement landmark -- 3.7.5 Expressing purpose clauses -- 4. Cora postpositions: Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- Connate roles in Nyulnyul -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relevant facts of Nyulnyul morphology.
2.1 The postpositions -- 2.2 Case marking of free pronouns -- 2.3 Bound pronouns in the inflecting verb -- 3. Semiotic scheme for grammatical relations -- 4. Experiential roles -- 4.1 Classification of experiential roles in Nyulnyul -- 4.1 Centre -- 4.2 Nuclear relations -- 4.3 Non-nuclear core relations -- 4.4 Layering and relation sharing -- 4.5 Independent CRs -- 5. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- German two-way prepositions and related phenomena -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Two-way prepositions in German grammaticography -- 1.1 Traditional accounts -- 1.1.1 Atelic movement within the search domain -- 1.1.2 Telic movement away from the search domain -- 1.1.3 Telic movement crossing the search domain -- 1.1.4 Telic durative movement within the search domain -- 1.1.5 Endpoint focus -- 1.1.6 Accusative without "change of location" or "movement" -- 1.2 Paul's alternative -- 1.3 Abraham's leap forward -- 2. An alternative analysis and some remaining problems -- 2.1 Emerging vs existing or emerging vs non-emerging relationships? -- 2.2 Differentiating the dative subtypes -- 2.3 Indications of a system in transition -- 3. The case of über -- 3.1 A typical case distribution -- 3.2 A one-way start -- 3.3 Gaining complexity -- 4. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- A. Secondary literature -- Adpositional constructions of location and motion in Dutch -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Spatial description in Dutch -- 1.1 Verbs -- 1.2 Adpositional phrases -- 1.2.1 Prepositions -- 1.2.2 Postpositions -- 1.2.3 Circumpositions -- 1.3 Adverbs and pronominal adverbs -- 1.4 Use of auxiliaries -- 2. Objects versus adjuncts of location and motion -- 2.1 Optionality -- 2.2 Proportionality -- 2.2.1 Proportionality with static prepositional phrases.
2.2.1.1 Adverb versus pronominal adverb. The AdP's in (38) express the notion of static location or change-of-location: they constitute an adequate answer to a question introduced by the interrogative adverbial waar? 'where?', and they can be substituted -- 2.2.1.2 AdP is not an object of location/motion. As was hinted at briefly in ­Section 1.3, the potential proportionality of a particular AdP with a pronominal adverb is crucially dependent on the tightness of the relation between the AdP and the verb. Obj -- 2.2.1.3 AdP is not an object of prototypical location. If the adposition is not used in its prototypical spatial sense, but in a more extended use, the proportionality with a (demonstrative) pronominal adverb may be difficult:19 -- 2.2.2 Proportionality with dynamic prepositional phrases -- 2.2.2.1 Prepositional phrase versus pronominal adverb. The AdP with the dynamic preposition naar 'to' in (45a) is not proportional to the simple adverbial paradigm of space daar/waar? 'there/where?', nor to the simple paradigm of the pronominal adverb daa -- 2.2.2.2 Static versus dynamic verbs. The proportionality of an AdP of direction with a pronominal adverb may be determined by the meaning of the verb. The preposition naar 'to' in (48) for instance, forms a pronominal adverb ending in naartoe 'to-to' if u -- 2.2.2.3 Sense of orientation. Within the category of dynamic verbs a further ­distinction can be drawn based on the sense of orientation involved in the described action. Depending on the semantics of the verb, the preposition van 'from', for ­instance, i -- 2.2.3 Proportionality with postpositional phrases -- 2.2.4 Proportionality with circumpositional phrases -- 2.2.5 Non-spatial proportionality.
2.2.5.1 Verb-particle combinations. In connection with postpositional constructions it should be observed that for certain manner-of-motion verbs an adposition that combines with an NP to yield a postpositional motion object (59a) strongly resembles an el -- 2.2.5.2 Predicate complement patterns. In Section 2.1 we introduced the category of predicate complements for constituents which formally may look like spatial AdPs, but which are not independent participants in the described action. Instead, they are con -- 2.2.6 Absence of proportionality -- 2.2.7 The interaction between proportionality and optionality -- 3. Word order -- 3.1 General word-order patterns in Dutch -- 3.2 Position of adpositional phrases -- 3.3 Splitting of pronominal adverbs -- 3.3.1 General restrictions on the splitting of pronominal adverbs -- 3.3.2 Splitting of pronominal adverbs based on AdPs of location and motion -- 4. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- The distribution of adverbials in declarative sentences in French -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adverbials in French: Overview -- 2.1 Terminological problems and delimitation of the category of adverbials -- 2.2 Classification of French adverbs and adverbials -- 3. Syntactic organization of French declarative sentences -- 4. Potential focus domain and information structure in French declarative sentences -- 4.1 Potential focus domain -- 4.2 Tests -- 4.3 Potential focus domain in French declarative sentences -- 5. Adverbials: Classification and focusability -- 5.1 Classification -- 5.2 Focusability of different types of adverbials -- 6. Data collection -- 7. Results -- 7.1 General tendencies -- 7.2 Positions of adverbials in a sentence -- 7.2.1 Characterizing adverbials -- 7.2.2 Situating adverbials -- 7.2.3 Comments on the content and speech act comments.
7.3 Correlations between adverbial types and sentence positions in French -- 7.4 Conclusion -- 8. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- Passive voice and causal roles in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Passive Voice and its constructions in Spanish -- 3. Research questions -- 4. A constructionist hypothesis -- 5. Competing metaphors and viewpoints in causal modeling -- 5.1 A prototype view on causality and force dynamics -- 5.2 Metaphoric extensions -- 5.3 A scalar conception of affectedness -- 6. Passive and Medio-Passive construction realizations -- 6.1 Participle constructions -- 6.2 Reflexive constructions -- 7. Distributional data -- 8. The obliques' conceptual import -- 8.1 Hypothesis -- 8.2 The preposition's relational function in the Passive conceptual template -- 8.3 Discourse embedding and framing -- 8.4 Por 'by, through': the causal projection of path traversal -- 8.5 The causal potential of the other prepositions -- 8.5.1 Con 'with': operational accompaniment -- 8.5.2 De 'of, from': Source dependency -- 8.5.3 En 'in': Locative containment -- 8.6 Summary -- 9. From prototypical to peripheral agentivity -- 9.1 The "conditioning" function of the por 'by'-oblique -- 9.1.1 Animate and collective agents in aux-passives -- 9.1.2 Other por 'by'-obliques in aux-passives -- 9.1.3 Extension to the se-(medio)-passive -- 9.2 The "anchoring" function of the en 'in'-oblique -- 9.2.1 Location as causal involvement -- 9.2.2 The en 'in'-oblique in aux-passives -- 9.2.3 The en 'in'-oblique in se-constructions -- 9.3 The "modeling" function of the con 'with'-oblique -- 9.4 The "supplying" function of the de 'of'-oblique -- 10. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- List of Index -- List of Index.
Summary: This paper focuses on oblique variation in the passive. It relies on insights on causal modeling to study the construction types available to express a passive or medio-passive meaning in Spanish. Oblique variation is argued to fulfill an important function in the profiling of the relation between agent and patient, causer and causee, affectant and affectee. The choice of the preposition is shown to function as a device for agenthood management. Based on distributional evidence, the systematic survey of representative corpus examples with the four most frequent prepositions (por 'by, through', en 'in', de 'of, from' and con 'with') sheds light on issues related to the prototypicity and nuclearity of participant relations in passive and medio-passive construals.
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Non-Nuclear Cases -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of content -- Preface -- List of abbreviations -- Nuclear and non-nuclear cases -- 1. Terminological confusion -- 2. Criteria -- 3. Theoretical frameworks -- 4. Event schemas -- 5. Form-meaning correlates: Some specific cases -- 5.1 Specifying a quantitative or qualitative property of the process -- 5.2 Introducing participants -- 5.3 Expressing a spatial or temporal reference point -- 5.4 Expressing "logical" relations -- 6. Chapters in this volume -- References -- Obliques: Some that are, and some that aren't -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The postpositions -- 2.1 The inventory of free forms -- 2.2 Syntax and semantics of postpositional phrases -- 2.2.1 The objects of postpositional phrases -- 2.2.2 Word order -- 2.2.3 Marking of third singular objects -- 2.2.4 Postpositions and locative particles -- 3. Typical usages of the free postpositions -- 3.1 hecé 'in, at, on, towards' -- 3.2 hapwá 'on, above, over' -- 3.3 hetyé 'beneath, underneath, below, at the foot of' -- 3.4 hemí 'to, for, with, on account of, in the midst of' -- 3.5 The accompaniment hamwán 'with' -- 3.6 The instrumental kɨme'e -- 3.6.1 The instrumental prototypical usage -- 3.6.2 Manner as current state of affairs -- 3.6.3 Instrumental as source -- 3.6.4 Instrumental as source of effect -- 3.6.5 Instrumental as source of sustenance -- 3.6 Instrumental as indicator of time period -- 3.7 Discourse usages of the Instrumental -- 3.7.1 Absolutive form of Instrumental: Closure of a scene -- 3.7.2 Instrumental use in oblique relative clauses -- 3.7.3 Instrumental as clausal temporal subordinator -- 3.7.4 Quotative complement landmark -- 3.7.5 Expressing purpose clauses -- 4. Cora postpositions: Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- Connate roles in Nyulnyul -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relevant facts of Nyulnyul morphology.

2.1 The postpositions -- 2.2 Case marking of free pronouns -- 2.3 Bound pronouns in the inflecting verb -- 3. Semiotic scheme for grammatical relations -- 4. Experiential roles -- 4.1 Classification of experiential roles in Nyulnyul -- 4.1 Centre -- 4.2 Nuclear relations -- 4.3 Non-nuclear core relations -- 4.4 Layering and relation sharing -- 4.5 Independent CRs -- 5. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- German two-way prepositions and related phenomena -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Two-way prepositions in German grammaticography -- 1.1 Traditional accounts -- 1.1.1 Atelic movement within the search domain -- 1.1.2 Telic movement away from the search domain -- 1.1.3 Telic movement crossing the search domain -- 1.1.4 Telic durative movement within the search domain -- 1.1.5 Endpoint focus -- 1.1.6 Accusative without "change of location" or "movement" -- 1.2 Paul's alternative -- 1.3 Abraham's leap forward -- 2. An alternative analysis and some remaining problems -- 2.1 Emerging vs existing or emerging vs non-emerging relationships? -- 2.2 Differentiating the dative subtypes -- 2.3 Indications of a system in transition -- 3. The case of über -- 3.1 A typical case distribution -- 3.2 A one-way start -- 3.3 Gaining complexity -- 4. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- A. Secondary literature -- Adpositional constructions of location and motion in Dutch -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Spatial description in Dutch -- 1.1 Verbs -- 1.2 Adpositional phrases -- 1.2.1 Prepositions -- 1.2.2 Postpositions -- 1.2.3 Circumpositions -- 1.3 Adverbs and pronominal adverbs -- 1.4 Use of auxiliaries -- 2. Objects versus adjuncts of location and motion -- 2.1 Optionality -- 2.2 Proportionality -- 2.2.1 Proportionality with static prepositional phrases.

2.2.1.1 Adverb versus pronominal adverb. The AdP's in (38) express the notion of static location or change-of-location: they constitute an adequate answer to a question introduced by the interrogative adverbial waar? 'where?', and they can be substituted -- 2.2.1.2 AdP is not an object of location/motion. As was hinted at briefly in ­Section 1.3, the potential proportionality of a particular AdP with a pronominal adverb is crucially dependent on the tightness of the relation between the AdP and the verb. Obj -- 2.2.1.3 AdP is not an object of prototypical location. If the adposition is not used in its prototypical spatial sense, but in a more extended use, the proportionality with a (demonstrative) pronominal adverb may be difficult:19 -- 2.2.2 Proportionality with dynamic prepositional phrases -- 2.2.2.1 Prepositional phrase versus pronominal adverb. The AdP with the dynamic preposition naar 'to' in (45a) is not proportional to the simple adverbial paradigm of space daar/waar? 'there/where?', nor to the simple paradigm of the pronominal adverb daa -- 2.2.2.2 Static versus dynamic verbs. The proportionality of an AdP of direction with a pronominal adverb may be determined by the meaning of the verb. The preposition naar 'to' in (48) for instance, forms a pronominal adverb ending in naartoe 'to-to' if u -- 2.2.2.3 Sense of orientation. Within the category of dynamic verbs a further ­distinction can be drawn based on the sense of orientation involved in the described action. Depending on the semantics of the verb, the preposition van 'from', for ­instance, i -- 2.2.3 Proportionality with postpositional phrases -- 2.2.4 Proportionality with circumpositional phrases -- 2.2.5 Non-spatial proportionality.

2.2.5.1 Verb-particle combinations. In connection with postpositional constructions it should be observed that for certain manner-of-motion verbs an adposition that combines with an NP to yield a postpositional motion object (59a) strongly resembles an el -- 2.2.5.2 Predicate complement patterns. In Section 2.1 we introduced the category of predicate complements for constituents which formally may look like spatial AdPs, but which are not independent participants in the described action. Instead, they are con -- 2.2.6 Absence of proportionality -- 2.2.7 The interaction between proportionality and optionality -- 3. Word order -- 3.1 General word-order patterns in Dutch -- 3.2 Position of adpositional phrases -- 3.3 Splitting of pronominal adverbs -- 3.3.1 General restrictions on the splitting of pronominal adverbs -- 3.3.2 Splitting of pronominal adverbs based on AdPs of location and motion -- 4. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- The distribution of adverbials in declarative sentences in French -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adverbials in French: Overview -- 2.1 Terminological problems and delimitation of the category of adverbials -- 2.2 Classification of French adverbs and adverbials -- 3. Syntactic organization of French declarative sentences -- 4. Potential focus domain and information structure in French declarative sentences -- 4.1 Potential focus domain -- 4.2 Tests -- 4.3 Potential focus domain in French declarative sentences -- 5. Adverbials: Classification and focusability -- 5.1 Classification -- 5.2 Focusability of different types of adverbials -- 6. Data collection -- 7. Results -- 7.1 General tendencies -- 7.2 Positions of adverbials in a sentence -- 7.2.1 Characterizing adverbials -- 7.2.2 Situating adverbials -- 7.2.3 Comments on the content and speech act comments.

7.3 Correlations between adverbial types and sentence positions in French -- 7.4 Conclusion -- 8. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- Passive voice and causal roles in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Passive Voice and its constructions in Spanish -- 3. Research questions -- 4. A constructionist hypothesis -- 5. Competing metaphors and viewpoints in causal modeling -- 5.1 A prototype view on causality and force dynamics -- 5.2 Metaphoric extensions -- 5.3 A scalar conception of affectedness -- 6. Passive and Medio-Passive construction realizations -- 6.1 Participle constructions -- 6.2 Reflexive constructions -- 7. Distributional data -- 8. The obliques' conceptual import -- 8.1 Hypothesis -- 8.2 The preposition's relational function in the Passive conceptual template -- 8.3 Discourse embedding and framing -- 8.4 Por 'by, through': the causal projection of path traversal -- 8.5 The causal potential of the other prepositions -- 8.5.1 Con 'with': operational accompaniment -- 8.5.2 De 'of, from': Source dependency -- 8.5.3 En 'in': Locative containment -- 8.6 Summary -- 9. From prototypical to peripheral agentivity -- 9.1 The "conditioning" function of the por 'by'-oblique -- 9.1.1 Animate and collective agents in aux-passives -- 9.1.2 Other por 'by'-obliques in aux-passives -- 9.1.3 Extension to the se-(medio)-passive -- 9.2 The "anchoring" function of the en 'in'-oblique -- 9.2.1 Location as causal involvement -- 9.2.2 The en 'in'-oblique in aux-passives -- 9.2.3 The en 'in'-oblique in se-constructions -- 9.3 The "modeling" function of the con 'with'-oblique -- 9.4 The "supplying" function of the de 'of'-oblique -- 10. Conclusion -- Endnotes -- References -- List of Index -- List of Index.

This paper focuses on oblique variation in the passive. It relies on insights on causal modeling to study the construction types available to express a passive or medio-passive meaning in Spanish. Oblique variation is argued to fulfill an important function in the profiling of the relation between agent and patient, causer and causee, affectant and affectee. The choice of the preposition is shown to function as a device for agenthood management. Based on distributional evidence, the systematic survey of representative corpus examples with the four most frequent prepositions (por 'by, through', en 'in', de 'of, from' and con 'with') sheds light on issues related to the prototypicity and nuclearity of participant relations in passive and medio-passive construals.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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