Contrastive Studies in Verbal Valency.

Intro -- Contrastive Studies in Verbal Valency -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu In Memoriam -- Issues in contrastive valency studies -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Valency and valency alternation in linguistic theory and description -- 2.1 Derivational designs -- 2.2 Subsumption designs -- 2.3 Larger structures -- 3. Typological/contrastive studies of valency -- 4. Contributions to the volume -- References -- Argument coding -- Multiple case binding - The principled underspecification of case exponency -- 1. How morphological case receives its category status -- 1.1 The tradition - and where it falls short -- 1.2 Syntagmatic case vs. paradigmatic case -- 1.3 Syntagmatic case vs. paradigmatic case decided -- 1.4 Case in wider context -- 2. Case determining dependency (among which: governing) status -- 2.1 General -- 2.2 Paradigmatic case in synchrony and diachrony -- 2.2.1 Towards the encoding of argument differentiality -- 2.2.2 The accusative-prepositional case drift -- 2.2.3 The subject nominative-genitive differential -- 2.2.4 The object accusative-genitive differential -- 2.2.5 The diachronic introduction of the article function -- 2.3 Paradigmatic case assignment today -- 2.3.1 The case-aspect differential -- 2.3.2 The case-definiteness differential -- 2.3.4 The negation-object case differential -- 2.3.5 The adjectival-information structural differential -- 2.5 Case with and without category status: The bare case-prepositional case differential -- 2.5.1 Theta function and case sharing one single syntactic slot -- 2.5.2 Theta function and case not sharing one single syntactic slot -- 2.5.3 Apparent homo-functionalism -- 3. Subject differential marking as a sub-phenomenon of paradigmatic case assignment. -- 3.1 DSM in Turkish -- 3.2 DSM in Pontic Greek.

4. Differential argument marking as a more general phenomenon of paradigmatic case assignment -- 5. Back to the notions of paradigmaticity as opposed to syntagmaticity - and the corresponding types of case assignment -- 6. Outlook - and a partial caveat -- References -- Infinitives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Selected infinitives -- 2.1 Tense and Aspect infinitive constructions (TA constructions) -- 2.2 Norwegian and German Aspect constructions -- 2.3 First form infinitive constructions -- 2.3.1 Hypotactic chains and infinitives -- 2.3.2 Modal verbs -- 2.3.3 Perception verbs -- 3. Subject and object control -- 3.1 Subject control -- 3.2 Object control -- 3.2.1 Object control in a case language -- 3.2.2 Deontic switch control -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- A labeling system for valency -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The 'Construction Labeling' (CL) notation -- 3. Labeling valence patterns of English and Norwegian -- 3.1 Syntactic argument structure of Norwegian -- 3.2 Illustrating CL on simple patterns in Norwegian and English -- 3.3 Shared complex patterns -- 3.4 Un-shared complex patterns -- 3.5 Valency profiles -- 4. Valency and construction patterns of Ga -- 4.1 Patterns -- 4.2 Summarizing remarks -- 5. Utilizing CL notation in Grammar and in Ontology -- 5.1 Grammatical interpretation of CL templates -- 5.2 Induction of grammar from Interlinear Glossed Text (IGT) and CL jointly -- 5.3 Using CL templates for designing a construction ontology. -- 6. 'Life cycles' of systems and applications using CL -- 7. Comparisons with 'Coding frames' in' ValPal' -- 8. Final remarks -- References -- Appendix -- Non-canonical valency patterns in Basque, variation and evolution -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Coding frames -- 3. Non-canonical coding frames -- 4. Some particularities of Basque valency grammar.

4.1 Valency-changing derivations and valency alternations -- 4.2 Verbs and light verb compounds -- 4.3 Anaphoric and non-specific readings of unexpressed absolutive arguments -- 4.4 Atypical objects -- 4.5 The fuzziness of the unergative vs. transitive distinction -- 5. The expansion of coding frames lacking an absolutive slot in the history of Basque -- 5.1 Occasional changes and general tendencies -- 5.2 From 'strict' to 'loose' ergative coding: Evidence from aiming verbs -- 5.3 Relaxing the constraint on the obligatory presence of an absolutive term in predicative constructions -- 5.4 The integration of borrowed verbs -- 5.4.1 The situation in Modern Basque -- 5.4.2 The situation in Old Basque -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Valency rearranging alternations -- Exploring the domain of ditransitive constructions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic alignment types -- 3. Alignment variation and lexical splits in ditransitive constructions -- 4. Lexical splits in the ditransitive domain -- 4.1 Ditransitive-Allative Hierarchy -- 4.2 Ditransitive-Benefactive Hierarchy -- 4.3 Ditransitive-Instrumental Hierarchy -- 4.4 Combining subhierarchies -- 5. Towards a semantic map for ditransitive constructions -- 5.1 Ditransitive domain -- 5.2 Ditransitive constructions in Mandarin -- 5.3 Ditransitive constructions in CAY Eskimo -- 5.4 Ditransitive constructions in Thai -- 5.5 Ditransitive constructions in Yorùbá -- 5.6 Some more maps and alignments splits -- 6. Further application of the map -- 6.1 Constraining indexing -- 6.2 Applicative split -- 7. Problematic patterns -- 7.1 Interference of structural factors -- 7.2 Verb polysemy and pattern inheritance -- 8. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Cognate constructions in Italian and beyond -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Cognates in Italian and other languages -- 2.1 Types of cognate constructions.

2.2 Preliminary remarks on the syntactic status of COs in Italian -- 2.3 Outline of the article -- 3. Cognate constructions in Italian -- 3.1 Methods and data -- 3.2 Verb classes -- 3.2.1 Emission verbs -- 3.2.2 (Re-)Creation verbs -- 3.2.3 Motion verbs -- 3.2.4 Weather verbs -- 3.2.5 Manner of Speaking verbs -- 3.3 Discussion -- 3.3.1 Italian COC -- 3.3.2 Italian COC -- 3.4 Cognate Object Constructions vs. Light Verb Constructions -- 4. Cognate Constructions with prepositions -- 4.1 COC vs. OF-pattern -- 4.2 A crosslinguistic look -- 4.3 The role of the WITH-pattern -- 5. Concluding remarks -- References -- Object omission and the semantics of predicates in Italian in a comparative perspective -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Object omission, event structure and transitivity -- 2.1 Event structure and the licensing of arguments -- 2.1.1 Structure vs constant/root participants and argument realization -- 2.2 The (in)transitivity continuum and the semanto-pragmatics of object omission7 -- 3. The semantics of predicates and object omission in Italian -- 3.1 (Sub)types of object omission* -- 3.1.1 Indefinite Null Instantiation (Perfective and imperfective contexts) -- 3.1.2 Indefinite Null Instantiation (Imperfective contexts only) -- 3.1.3 Definite Null Instantiation -- 3.1.4 Unexpressed objects and event structure in Italian -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- On animacy restrictions for the null object in Brazilian Portuguese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On null objects in Brazilian Portuguese -- 2.1 Properties of BP null objects -- 2.2 Analyzing null objects in BP -- 3. On animacy in BP null objects -- 4. On parallelism requirements -- 5. On argument structure and the parallelism requiremen -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Voice and valency changing (uncoded/coded) alternations and markers -- Between Passive and Middle -- 1. Introduction.

2. Verbs with two non-active voice morphologies -- 3. Middle and Passive Voice in Greek -- 3.1 Voice morphology in Ancient Greek -- 3.2 A corpus study -- 3.3 Koine Greek -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Valency alternations between inflection and derivation -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The inflection / derivation continuum -- 3. Deriving valency changes across inflection and derivation -- 4. The peculiar status of valency alternations -- 5. Valency alternations as a morphological operation -- 6. Valency alternations in Italian and German -- 6.1 IM-Relating valency alternations -- 6.2 DM-Relating valency alternations -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Pronominal verbs across European languages -- 1. Pronominal verbs across European languages -- 2. Non-alternating pronominal verbs -- 3. Alternating pronominal verbs -- 4. Conclusions and lines for further research -- References -- Semantic constraints on the reflexive/non-reflexive alternation of Romanian unaccusatives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Romanian data -- 2.1 The values of Romanian se -- 2.1.1 Se as a reflexive/reciprocal pronoun -- 2.1.2 Se as a formative of inherently reflexive predicates -- 2.1.3 Anticausative se3 -- 2.1.4 Summary -- 2.1.5 Se as a voice marker -- 2.2 The reflexive/non-reflexive alternation of Romanian unaccusatives -- 2.2.1 Preliminary remarks -- 2.2.2 Inventory of alternating unaccusatives -- 3. Romanian vs Romance -- 4. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Circumfixed causatives in Polish against a panorama of active and non-active voice morphology -- 1. Morpho-syntax from the generative perspective -- 1.1 Derivational and root-based approaches to morpho-syntactic problems -- 1.2 The root-based model for valency phenomena -- 1.3 Causative/anticausative morpho-syntax (Alexiadou &amp -- Doron 2012) -- 2. The data -- 2.1 Circumfixed causatives in Polish.

2.2 Circumfixed causatives in related languages.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.