Syllable Weight in African Languages.

Intro -- SYLLABLE WEIGHT IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Notes on contributors -- Introduction -- References -- Chapter 1. Syllable weight as a phonological variable -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The concept of syllable weight -- 3. Syllable weight illustrated outside of Chadic -- 4. Syllable weight in Chadic -- 4.1 Bole (Newman, unpublished field notes -- Lukas (1970/71 -- [also Gimba &amp -- Schuh (2015)]) -- 4.2 Kanakuru (according to Newman 1974) -- 4.3 Hausa [Newman (2000)] -- 5. Summary and conclusions -- References [original 1972] -- References [added 2017] -- Chapter 2. Syllable weight: A typological and theoretical overview -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Typology of weight-sensitive phenomena -- 3. Phonological representations of weight -- 4. The typology of weight criteria -- 5. The process specificity of weight -- 6. Final vs. non-final weight asymmetries -- 7. Relationship between the phonology and phonetics of weight -- 8. Onset weight -- 9. Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3. Syllable weight and morphophonologically induced resyllabification in Maghrebi Arabic -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Synchronic analyses -- 2.1 Zero is primary, schwa is epenthetic -- 2.2 Schwa is primary, zero results from deletion -- 2.3 Syllable structure determines both schwa and zero -- 2.4 Metrical structure determines zero, dialects differ on schwa -- 3. The role of syllable weight -- 4. Diachronic analysis -- 5. The role of contact? -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4. Syllable weight in Amharic -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Phonological background of Amharic -- 3. Amharic stress -- 3.1 The basic stress pattern -- 3.2 Geminates attract stress -- 3.3 Summarizing Amharic stress -- 4. Adjectival reduplication in Amharic -- 4.1 Previous literature on adjectival reduplication.

4.2 Describing adjectival reduplication in Amharic -- 4.3 Reduplication summary -- 5. Discussion -- 5.1 Languages that provide evidence for geminates as inherently moraic -- 5.2 Languages in which CVG but not CVC syllables are heavy -- 5.3 Implications for theories of syllable weight -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 5. Syllabic weight in Tashlhiyt Berber -- 1. Preliminaries -- 2. The H/L distinction -- 2.1 Syllable weight in traditional songs -- 2.2 Orthometric syllabification vs. grammatical syllabification -- Page 91 -- 3. The evidence for a moraic analysis of the H/L contrast -- 3.1 Verse feet in 'straight' meters -- 3.2 Templatic plurals -- References -- Chapter 6. The psychological reality of syllable weight -- 1. The psychological reality of phonological distinctions -- 2. Syllable weight in Hausa -- 3. Implicit knowledge of syllable weight and its actualization -- 3.1 Performance of wedding songs by Ɗan Maraya Jos -- 3.2 Perception of syllable weight -- 3.3 Actualization of latent syllable weight distinctions -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- References to published poetic words cited -- Chapter 7. Syllables and syllable weight in Sara-Bagirmi languages -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Mbay -- 2.1 Syllables in Mbay -- 2.2 Distribution of syllables within morphemes -- 2.3 Syllabic readjustment -- 2.4 Tone preservation -- 2.5 On the origin of heavy syllables within morphemes -- 3. Syllables and syllable weight in other Sara languages -- 3.1 Syllabic readjustment in the other Sara languages -- 3.2 Tone preservation in the other Sara languages -- 3.3 Barred ɨ and the origin of heavy syllables -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Syllables and syllable weight in the Sara Kaba languages -- 4.1 Syllables in the Sara Kaba languages -- 4.2 Distribution of syllables within morphemes -- 4.3 Closed syllables and the weak vowel.

5. Syllables and syllable weight in Bagirmi languages -- 5.1 Syllables in Bagirmi and Kenga -- 5.2 Vowel dropping and closed syllables in Bagirmi -- 5.3 Heavy syllables in Kenga -- 5.4 Syllabic restructuring in Bagirmi -- 6. Syllable weight and vowel loss in the Sara languages -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 8. Reduplication in Fur: Prosodic structure and sonority -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of Fur -- 2.1 A general overview of Fur phonology -- 2.2 Syllable shape and sonority -- 3. Patterns of reduplication -- 3.1 Full reduplication -- 3.2 Partial reduplication -- 3.3 The seven bases of reduplication and their outputs -- 4. Summary and discussion of Fur lexical reduplication -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 9. Non-uniform syllable weight in Southern Kenyan Maa (Maasai) -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Southern Kenyan Maa Phonology -- 2.1 Consonantal phoneme inventory -- 2.2 Vocalic phoneme inventory -- 2.3 Tone -- 2.4 Vocalic or nucleic length contrasts -- 2.5 Vocalic sequences -- 3. Syllable weight phenomena in Southern Kenyan Maa -- 3.1 Syllable templates -- 3.2 Minimal verbal root requirements -- 3.3 Contour tones and the TBU -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 10. Syllable weight in the phonology of Pulaar -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syllable weight and syllable prominence in Fula -- 2.1 Arnott's account of Gombe Fulfulde -- 2.2 McIntosh's account of Kaceccereere Fulfulde -- 2.3 Breedveld's account of Maasinankoore Fulfulde -- 2.4 Diallo's account of Fuuta Jaloo Pular -- 2.5 Niang's account of Mauritanian Fuutankoore Pulaar -- 2.6 Summary -- 3. Syllable prominence in Senegalese Fuutankoore Pulaar -- 3.1 Methodology -- 3.2 Results -- 4. Syllable weight in other phonological processes -- 4.1 Reduplication -- 4.2 Compensatory lengthening -- 4.3 Minimal word constraint.

5. Summary and conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Appendix. Words recorded for phonetic analysis -- Word list 1 -- Word list 2 -- Chapter 11. Syllable weight and tonal patterning in Kusaal: A Moraic perspective -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Syllable/Mora dichotomy -- 2.1 Syllable types and structures within a moraic representation -- 3. Tone in Kusaal -- 3.1 Tone bearing ability -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- List of abbreviations -- References -- Chapter 12. Syllable weight and tone in Mara Bantu languages -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Ikoma-Nata-Isenye and Ngoreme -- 3. Segmental structure of nouns and verbs -- 4. Syllable structure -- 5. Tone -- 6. Ikoma -- 6.1 H on the 2nd syllable of the macrostem -- 6.2 H on the final syllable -- 7. Isenye -- 8. Nata -- 9. Ngoreme -- 10. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- References -- Index.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2024. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.